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Europe Still Matters: The Structural Logic of the Transatlantic Partnership
Debates about the future of EU–US transatlantic relations increasingly frame Europe and the United States as competing economic models. This framing risks misunderstanding the structural logic that has historically made the partnership successful. In reality, the transatlantic partnership remains one of the central pillars of the democratic world’s geopolitical and economic order.
Speaking during the GLOBSEC US–EU Forum in Washington DC, Antonios Nestoras, Founder and Director of the European Policy Innovation Council (EPIC), addressed a recurring question in transatlantic policy debates: what does Europe bring to the table today?
His answer was intentionally provocative.
In the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, Europe had very little to offer. Its economies were shattered, its societies exhausted, and its political systems devastated. Yet American leaders recognised the continent’s strategic potential. A democratic and prosperous Europe could become the central bulwark against totalitarianism.
The United States therefore invested not only economically, through the Marshall Plan, but also politically — supporting the reconstruction of democratic institutions and the long-term project of European integration. This strategic partnership shaped the second half of the twentieth century.
Today Europe faces a different condition. The continent is not devastated, but it is often fragmented, overregulated, and institutionally slow. Structural rigidities, bureaucratic complexity, and political caution frequently limit Europe’s capacity to act with the speed required by contemporary geopolitical competition.
Yet Europe remains the second-largest economy in the world and continues to serve as a centre of scientific discovery, technological development, and higher learning. It is also home to perhaps the most ambitious political experiment of modern times: the attempt to build political unity across a continent historically defined by fragmentation.
For this reason, framing the transatlantic relationship as a rivalry between economic models is analytically misleading and strategically counterproductive.
The United States and Europe are structurally different political economies. They operate under different institutional arrangements, regulatory philosophies, and economic structures. These differences do not weaken the transatlantic partnership. Properly understood, they create complementary advantages.
In a geopolitical environment where scale increasingly determines strategic power, the United States and Europe cannot afford to treat one another as competitors.
The real dividing line in global politics has never been between Europe and America.
It has always been between open societies and centralized power.
The transatlantic alliance was forged to defend the first against the second.
That mission has not expired.
